Popular opposition to war on Iraq
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Many commentators have opined that popular opposition to war on Iraq exceeded the movement against the Vietnam War in scale, even before the war was declared. Globally, many small and large protests opposing war in general or a war on Iraq were held in 2003. This article discusses why many people were opposed to the war.
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Opposition in European countries
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Before and during the invasion and subsequent occupation of Iraq, opposition to military action against Iraq was widespread in Europe [1] (http://www.usatoday.com/news/world/2003-02-14-eu-survey.htm).
Some have speculated that European countries were against a war because of widespread European "anti-American" sentiment. Contributing to these feelings were the positions taken by the George W. Bush administration on international issues: for example, American policies on global warming and environmental protection, on the International Criminal Court, on pre-emptive attack, and what was perceived even before the September 11th attacks as a policy of stubborn unilateralism practiced by the Bush administration and especially the neoconservatives within it.
The commonly articulated reasons included: a belief that the UN process (including Hans Blix's inspections) should be allowed to reach its natural conclusion, an aversion to America's neo-con bellicosity, a belief that the threat posed by Iraq was being exaggerated, a preference for multilateralism, a belief that war might just "serve as a recruiting sergeant for Al-Qaida", and fear of the "fog of war" i.e. the uncertain and unpredictable consequences of invading another country.
Between 9/11 and late 2002 the enormous goodwill and support of the immediate 9/11 period was significantly eroded. Changes in the Republic of Ireland are an example of this. In the aftermath of the destruction of the World Trade Center, Ireland declared an unprecedented full national day of mourning for the victims. The reaction was two-fold: horror at the deaths but also a strong degree of sympathy for the United States, whom Ireland saw as a friend, particularly after US President Bill Clinton's welcome interventions during the negotiation of the Good Friday Agreement. By February 2003, the public reaction to the Bush administration actions over Iraq had changed America's image utterly. Instead of being seen in a positive light, the United States under Bush was seen as a 'bully' determined to war against Iraq, without the international community in the United Nations, if necessary. Hence, an estimated 100,000 people took part in an anti-war march in Dublin (the organisers had expected 20,000) with demands being made that the United States be refused permission to use Shannon Airport as a stop over point when flying their soldiers from the United States to countries bordering Iraq. Yet opinion polls showed that the Irish would support a war if it had United Nations approval. What they would not support was a non-UN-sanctioned war declared in defiance of the UN by the Bush administration.
Such 'anti-Bush' and anti-war sentiments were reflected in many western European countries, generally with the populace less sympathetic to the U.S. stance even when politicians in a given country (e.g. the UK and Spain) aligned themselves with the U.S. position. The general populations of France and Germany were opposed to the war and it would have been difficult for their governments had they failed to reflect those sentiments in policy, which in most cases they seemed quite happy to do in any case. After the first UN resolution, The U.S. and the UK pushed for a second resolution which was required under Operational Paragraph 12 of Resolution 1441. The French government amongst others took the position that the UN inspection process should be allowed to be completed.
Some observers, unimpressed with US claims that Iraq's secular government had any links to Al-Qaida, the terrorist group that allegedly attacked the U.S., expressed puzzlement that the U.S. would consider military action against Iraq and not against North Korea, which had claimed it already had nuclear weapons and had announced that it was willing to contemplate war with the U.S.
Many critics of the American War on Terror, including the UK's foreign intelligence services, did not believe that American actions would help to end terror, and believed that they would actually increase the ranks and capabilities of terrorist groups; some believed that during the war and immediate post-war period there would be a greatly increased risk that weapons of mass destruction would fall into the wrong hands (including Al-Qaida).
America's presence in Middle-Eastern countries like Saudi Arabia has been one source of discontent that has served as an excuse to Islamic fundamentalists to commit acts of violence. Even as the U.S. downscales its presence and existing bases (e.g. Saudi Arabia), it is not clear that the U.S. presence in Iraq will be anything but de-stabilising because many in the Muslim world resent the "infidel" presence in the Middle East, using this as a means of inciting the disenfranchised in their populations to violence. On the other hand, a stable democracy in Iraq could have a stabilising influence. Clearly, there was a gamble there, and only the post-war period will prove which viewpiont was correct.
Perhaps the most commonly heard criticism, at least outside of the U.S., was that the Bush Administration's reason for going to war with Saddam was to gain control over Iraqi natural resources (i.e., oil). Though few doubt that nuclear and WMD proliferation is a serious threat to stability and well-being, many felt that a war in Iraq would not aid in eliminating this threat and that the real reason was to secure control over the Iraqi oil fields (at a time when arguably links with Saudi Arabia were at risk). "No blood for oil" was a popular protest cry prior to the US invasion of Iraq in March 2003.
Religious opposition
On September 13, 2002, US Catholic bishops signed a letter to President Bush stating that any "pre-emptive, unilateral use of military force to overthrow the government of Iraq" cannot currently be justified. They came to this position by evaluating whether an attack against Iraq would satisfy the criteria for a just war, as defined by Catholic theology. [2] (http://www.catholicherald.com/cns/iraq-us.htm)
The Vatican also came out against war in Iraq. Archbishop Renato Martino, a former U.N. envoy and current prefect of the Council for Justice and Peace, told reporters last week that war against Iraq was a "preventative" war and constituted a "war of aggression", and thus did not constitute a just war. The foreign minister, Archbishop Jean-Louis Tauran, expressed concerns that a war in Iraq would inflame anti-Christian feelings in the Islamic world. On February 8, 2003, Pope John Paul II said "we should never resign ourselves, almost as if war is inevitable." [3] (http://www.reuters.com/newsArticle.jhtml?type=topNews&storyID=2193088)
Both the outgoing Archbishop of Canterbury, George Carey, and his successor, Rowan Williams, spoke out forcefully against war with Iraq.
The World Council of Churches, which represents between 350 million and 450 million Christians from over 100 countries, published a statement in opposition to war with Iraq. The executive committee said, "War against Iraq would be immoral, unwise, and in breach of the principles of the United Nations Charter."
Protests against war on Iraq
- Main article: Global protests against war on Iraq
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On February 15, 2003, worldwide protests, the largest yet, drew millions of people opposed to the war. Over 3 million people marched in Rome, between one and two million in London, more than 600,000 in Madrid, 300,000 in Berlin, as well as in Damascus, Paris, New York, Oslo, Stockholm, Brussels, Johannesburg, Montreal - more than 600 cities in all, worldwide. See Global protests against war on Iraq. This mass demonstration was listed by the 2004 Guinness Book of Records as the largest mass protest movement in history.
On January 18, 2003, a mass mobilization pulled together demonstrations against the war in cities around the world, including Tokyo, Moscow, Paris, London, Montreal, Ottawa, Toronto, Cologne, Bonn, Goteborg, Florence, Oslo, Rotterdam, Istanbul, San Francisco and Cairo.
One of the most popular chants used by protesters was "no blood for oil."
See also
- Human shield action to Iraq
- 2003 invasion of Iraq
- American popular opinion of war on Iraq
- American government position on war on Iraq
- Worldwide government positions on war on Iraq
- Global protests against war on Iraq
- The UN Security Council and the Iraq war
- Predicted effects of invading Iraq
- Post-September 11 anti-war movement
External links
- Human Shields (http://www.humanshields.org))
- Polls find Europeans oppose Iraq war (http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/2747175.stm)
- Iraq Antiwar Homepage (http://www.nonviolence.org/iraq) on Nonviolence.org
- Articles in Foreign Affairs magazine analysing the war and its aftermath by James Rubin and Madeline Albright: http://www.foreignaffairs.org/