Flemish movement
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The Flemish movement (Dutch: Vlaamse Beweging) is a popular term used to describe the political movement for greater autonomy of the Belgian region of Flanders, for protection of the Dutch language in Flanders, and for protection of the Flemish culture.
The Flemish movement's more extreme wing is dominated by right-wing organizations such as the Vlaams Blok ('Flemish Block' in English -- the 2nd largest party in Flemish parliament as of June 13, 2003's regional elections), Voorpost, the NSV ('Nationalistisch Studenten Verbond' in Dutch; 'Nationalist Students Union' in English), and several others. The militant wing also comprises several more moderate groups such as the N-VA (Dutch: Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie, English: "New-Flemish Alliance", a relatively small party with representatives in regional and federal parliaments) and several extra-perliamentary organisations, many of which are represented in the OVV (Dutch: Overlegcentrum van Vlaamse Verenigingen, English: "Consulation Center of Flemish Associations"). The most important of these is the VVB (Dutch: Vlaamse Volksbeweging, English: "Flemish People's Movement").
The Flemish movement's moderates were dominated by the Volksunie ("People's Union" in English -- an important party that has greatly advanced the Flemish cause from its foundation in 1954 to its collapse in 2002). After the Volksunie's collapse, the party's representatives spread out over all Flemish parties, and nowadays nearly every Flemish party (except the Vlaams Blok and the N-VA) can be considered part of the moderate wing of the Flemish movement. The moderate wing has many ties with workers and employers organisations, especially with VOKA (http://www.voka.be/) (VEV: Vlaams Economisch Verbond in Dutch, 'Flemish Economic Union' in English).
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Ideological Tendencies
Independentists
Today, the militant wing of the Flemish movement generally advocates the foundation of an independent Flemish republic with Brussels as its capital. A small part of the militant wing even advocates reunion with the Netherlands to form a greater Netherlands that is sometimes called Dietsland. This view is shared with several Dutch right-wing activists and nationalists, who are very supportive of the Flemish movement. Recently, several more moderate politicians in the Netherlands have also adopted this idea, including left-wing politicians such as Jan Terlouw. The N-VA officially follows this line too, although many of its members have a clear preference for a confederal organisation of the Belgian state.
Confederalists
Several representatives of important Flemish parties belonging to the moderate wing, including the christian democrat CD&V party (the largest party in Flemish Parliament as of 2003), the liberal VLD party (3rd largest), and, to a lesser extent, the socialist SP.A (4th largest) party, prefer a confederal organisation of the Belgian state over the current federal organisation. Such a scheme would make the Flemish government responsible for nearly all aspects of government, whereas important aspects of government are currently the responsibility of the Belgian federal government. The Belgian and Flemish capital of Brussels would remain a city where both Dutch-speaking and French-speaking citizens share equal rights, whereas the militant wing's independist vision would, to a certain extent, render the French-speaking citizens of Brussels foreigners in a Flemish, Dutch-speaking region.
Federalists
Several representatives of the SP.A and Spirit parties, and, to a lesser extent, the CD&V and VLD parties, prefer an improved federal organisation of the Belgian state over a confederal organisation. This view is shared with several social and cultural organisations such as the Vermeylenfonds ('Vermeylen Foundation' in English), with labor unions, and with mutual health insurance organisations. The advocates of this view hope to improve the Belgian institutions so that they work correctly and do not discriminate against Dutch-speaking citizens. However, recent findings on continued discrimination against Dutch-speaking citizens by hospitals and medical emergency services in Brussels, the extremely painful modernisation of Belgian institutions, and the near-impossibility to alleviate labor costs because of conservative resistance from French-speaking parties (both left- and right-wing) is not strengthening support for the federalist line.
Several harrowing examples illustrate the inability of politicians to modernise Belgian institutions: during the last five years, three key figures of the Flemish socialist movement have attempted to modernise Belgian institutions, but failed because of resistance from French-speaking activists in public services (Luc Van den Bossche), the socialist labor union (Mia De Vits), and social services and health care (Frank Van den Broucke). All three were defeated and, to a certain extent, publicly humiliated. As a result, Luc Van den Bossche left politics, Mia De Vits left the socialist labor union and moved into Flemish politics, and Frank Van den Broucke left Belgian politics and moved into Flemish politics.
History
For prior events: see History of Belgium and Flanders
Half a century after the Belgian revolution, Flemish intellectuals such as W.F. Willems and Hendrik Conscience began to call for recognition of the Dutch language and culture of Belgium. This movement became known as the Flemish movement. Its first success was the passing of a law in 1898 that for the first time recognized Dutch as a language in Belgium. With the coming of the 20th century the Flemish movement became more radical and in the first world war many "activists" welcomed the occupiers as "liberating Germanic brothers". The Germans did indeed help out their "Germanic brothers" by setting Dutch as the sole administrative language and by converting Ghent University to the Dutch language. With the German defeat so went many of the language reforms and alleged collaboration was used as a pretext to arrest, harass, and execute Flemish movement leaders.
In the 1920s the first Flemish nationalist party was elected and in 1928 a prominent Flemish leader on death row for working in the German flemish government was elected. In the 1930s the flemish movement grew ever larger and larger and Dutch was recognized for the first time as the sole language of Flanders.
During World War II, Belgium was once again occupied and once again many of the Flemish movement looked at is as a liberation from French domination. The Germans once again enacted further laws to protect and encourage the Dutch language in Flanders. After Germany's second defeat the Belgian government once again used collaboration as a pretext to repress the Flemish movement. Many leaders were imprisioned and executed. After this the Flemish movement lay dormant for nearly 20 years. Then in the 1960s the movement once again picked up steam and in 1962 the language borders were finally set up with Brussels being designated as a bilingual city. The late 60s saw all major Belgian political parties splitting up into Flemish and Wallonian parts. It also saw the emergence of the first major nationalist Flemish party, the Volksunie (People's Union, but not in the communist sense). In 1977 more radical right-wing splinters of the Volksunie came together to form the Vlaams Blok. This party would overtake the Volksunie and today is the main party of the Flemish movement.
In 2000 the Volksunie split into Spirit and NVA. Both parties now have coallitions with other parties. In the 2004 elections both Spirit and NVA won and take part of the newly formed government.
See also
External links
- Vlaamse Volksbeweging (http://www.vvb.org/) (in Dutch)
- Vlaams Blok (http://www.vlaamsblok.be/) (in Dutch)
- Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie (http://www.n-va.be/) (in Dutch; some information is also available in English, French, German, and Spanish)
- The Flemish Republic (http://www.flemishrepublic.org/) (in English)
- CD&V (http://www.cdenv.be/) (in Dutch)
- Flanders Online (http://www.flandersonline.org/en/flanders.php) (information in Dutch, English, French and German)