Timeline of Afghan history
Henry Dobbs arrives in Kabul to continue the conversations which were begun at
Mussoorie in the previous year.
A mission of five members, headed by Gen.
Mohammad Wali Khan, leaves Afghanistan for Europe in order to examine the possibility of entering into political and commercial relations with European states. The mission visits Moscow, where in March it signs a Turco-Afghan treaty providing for mutual assistance between the two countries in case of attack by a third party. From Moscow it goes to Riga, and thence to Angora, in order to explain the treaty to the Turkish headquarters. The head of the mission there makes bitter Anglophobe speeches, and in an interview states that it is the duty of the entire Muslim world to help the Turkish nationalists.
A treaty between the
Bolshevik government of Russia and the
amir is signed. British Foreign Secretary
Lord Curzon states on one occasion that the Soviet government has offered the Afghans a subsidy of £100,000 a year.
Lord Chelmsford says in the House of Lords that he is confident the discussions at Kabul will have a salutary effect and produce valuable results. For a long time, however, they continue to hang fire. This is due to the leanings of the
amir towards Russia and Turkey.
A son and heir is born to the
amir.
The
amir announces the completion of a code of criminal procedure with the effect, in his own words, of "making Afghanistan truly free and independent".
The Afghan envoy at Angora gives a banquet in honour of
Fakhri Pasha, who is leaving for Kabul, at which speeches extolling Islamic union are made.
A treaty (amending the
Treaty of Rawalpindi agreed originally in August 1919) between the Britain and Afghanistan is signed at Kabul, on the Afghan government giving written assurances that no Russian consulates will be permitted in the areas adjoining the Indian frontier. The treaty reaffirms Britain's recognition of Afghanistan's complete independence, and restores to the Afghans the privilege of importing munitions through India. A small area near the head of the Khyber Pass is transferred to Afghanistan, and Sir
Henry Dobbs carries out the realignment of the frontier on crossing over to India on December 4. King
George V sends a message of congratulation to the
amir, who telegraphs a reply expressing deep appreciation of His Majesty's message, and hoping relations between the countries will grow closer.
The
amir personally sets a high standard of devotion to duty, which is followed by his civil service. He encourages the sending of Afghan youths abroad to be educated. During the year a number of telegraph and telephone lines are laid down or commenced, e.g., from Landi Khana to Kabul, and from Kabul to Peshawar; while young Afghans are trained for telegraph work at Karachi.
An Afghan mission arrives in Angora with an autograph letter from the
amir expressing the warmest sentiments towards the Turkish government, and stating that he urged the British government to abstain from assisting the Greeks. Towards Russia Afghan sentiment is at first rather unfriendly.
Maj.
Francis Humphreys reaches Kabul as British minister. At about the same time
Sardar Abdul Hadi Khan arrives in London as Afghan minister to the Court of St. James. This interchange of ambassadors sets the seal upon the new relationship between the two countries. In an interview to
The Times Hadi Khan says he thinks the treaty will strengthen trade relations between Afghanistan and India; he also says that his people are beginning to be better disposed towards England.
Early summer 1922
Many of the large number of refugees from Turkestan who are hostile to the Soviet government rally to the flag of
Enver Pasha when on behalf of the
Bokhara government he makes war on Russia. But the successes of the Russian arms soon cause a marked change of sentiment in Afghanistan. On June 17 there appears in the
Ittihad-i-Mashriqi of
Jalalabad an obviously inspired article strongly disapproving of the anti-Bolshevik insurrection in Turkestan and advocating relations of disinterested friendship all round. This policy is energetically pursued by
Mohammad Wali Khan, who in July, on his return from his world diplomatic mission, becomes foreign minister in succession to
Sardar Mahmud Beg Tarzi. On August 15 he issues a statement that he regards the disturbances in Bokhara as a purely internal affair, the Russo-Afghan treaty of last year having agreed to recognize the independence of Bokhara and Khiva.
Festivities are held at Paghman to celebrate the anniversary of Afghan independence. The
amir on this occasion becomes reconciled with his elder brother,
Inayatullah Khan. A rumour spread that he had been murdered, and he had to hasten to Kabul to show himself. He takes the opportunity of making a speech in which he lays stress on the importance of developing home industries, of dispensing with foreign officials, and of a strong army to preserve the national independence. Subject to these conditions the
amir shows himself anxious to modernize the country. He welcomes the presence of all kinds of foreign missions. Thus on October 13
Raymond Poincaré demands from the French chamber credits for the creation of a French legation in Afghanistan, the two governments having agreed to receive permanent diplomatic missions.
During the Near Eastern crisis Afghanistan remains outwardly calm, but that it has been profoundly impressed by the success of Turkey is shown a couple of months later when the
Times of India publishes the terms of a new treaty between Afghanistan and Angora. In this document Afghanistan acknowledges Turkey as its "suzerain," i.e., as heir to the privileges of the
caliphate, and recognizes the independence of Bokhara and Khiva. The chief object of the treaty is to institute a defensive alliance between the two countries, commercial and financial arrangements being left to a separate protocol. Turkey also undertakes to send teachers and military officers to remain in Afghanistan for a period of five years.
The British commercial mission is in Kabul to arrange details of a trade convention on the lines laid down in the Anglo-Afghan treaty.
The course of Afghan history though not eventful is far from smooth. Friction between the
amir Amanullah and a large part of his subjects is one of the outstanding features of the year, and the other is the straining of Afghan-British relations which takes place towards its close. The chief causes of disaffection against the
amir have been his attempts to purify the administration and to impose conscription on the people. The levying of taxes has also, as was to be expected, proved a most difficult matter, and want of money has not allowed the
amir to proceed very far on his path of reform. Nevertheless in some lines substantial progress has been made. Most notable is the spread of education among the people. There are now thousands of Afghan boys receiving schooling, and 200 are being educated abroad; and these are expected in course of time to provide an efficient civil service and judiciary.
First half of 1923
In interfering with the local
hakims, who though notoriously corrupt have maintained some semblance of law and order in their respective districts, the
amir tries to introduce more civilized methods for which the population is not yet ripe, and consequently lawlessness and unrest increase considerably, culminating in the revolt of the formidable Alizai tribe.
The
amir sends a message to King
George VI on the Lausanne conference, and the king's reply, expressing his earnest desire for an equitable solution of the Turkish problem, creates a favourable impression in Afghanistan.
Telegraphic communication between Afghanistan and Britain is inaugurated. An exchange of messages still more friendly than in January takes place on the occasion. The
amir thanks the king for the services rendered by British officials in the progress of the work, and expresses a hope for the continuance of good relations between the two nations, at the same time appealing to Britain for fair dealing with the Muslim world. The king reciprocates the
amir's good wishes, and emphasizes the desire of Britain to live in peaceful and neighbourly cooperation with the Muslim world. Despite this great step forward towards removing the isolation of Afghanistan, in the all-important matter of internal communications little advance is made during the year. No railways are commenced, and small progress is made with the new roads planned for motor traffic, while the existing roads from Kabul to Peshawar and Kandahar have if anything deteriorated. In the absence of good communications there can be little chance of developing the natural resources of the country.
The
amir's passion for justice is shown by his passing a sentence of imprisonment on the stepfather of his own mother,
Shah Ghazi Mohammad Sarwar Khan, for misappropriation of public funds.
Two murders of British subjects are perpetrated by tribesmen on the North-West Indian frontier at
Kohat and
Landi Kotal, and the murderers flee to Afghanistan. On June 4 the Afghan government informs the British minister at Kabul that orders have been issued for their immediate arrest, but several weeks pass before the arrest is effected. The British suspect that the
amir is acting under Bolshevik influence and purposely flouting England. When the murderers actually are arrested, they manage to escape from prison before trial, and though there is no proof of connivance on the part of the authorities, the incident makes a bad impression. In order to remove this the Afghan government for a time adopts more energetic measures against the outlaws on the border, and in October a joint Afghan and British commission meets at Karachi on the frontier to investigate a number of incidents that have occurred. From this point, however, matters instead of improving seem to grow rapidly worse. The Afghans become suspicious that England is once more harbouring imperialistic designs and seeking to regain her exclusive domination over their country. These feelings are strongly expressed by the Afghan minister in Paris,
Sardar Tarzi Khan, in an interview which he gives to the
Nation on December 16. He charges the British in particular with having three months earlier held up at Bombay a quantity of arms for the Afghan police, in breach of the treaty between Afghanistan and Britain made in 1921, and of the trade convention of June 5 of the current year which among other things confirmed the obligation then accepted by the British government to allow the transit of arms to Afghanistan through India. The British defense is that according to the treaty the importation is to be permitted only so long as the intentions of the Afghan government are friendly, and no immediate danger to India is involved. By the end of the year the situation as between the two countries is generally regarded as serious. The Afghan suspicions of Britain's intentions are believed to be fostered by other countries, notably Russia and France, as shown by a striking article in
L'Ere Nouvelle of December 26, which suggests that it is the independent policy of Afghanistan rather than the activity of brigands which disquiets Britain. Britain's last act during the year is to demand the removal of the Bolshevik representative from Kabul, a step which is characterized in Russian quarters as an "ultimatum."
The
amir having given to France exclusive rights of archaeological research in Afghanistan, excavations near Kabul are commenced by
Alfred Foucher, a professor at the
Sorbonne, and a leading authority on
Buddhism. On representations being made by the British government Foucher declares his intention of inviting the distinguished British authority Sir
Aurel Stein to take a share in the investigations in Afghanistan. For one reason or other, however, the invitation is not extended, and in December Foucher, instead of commencing excavations near Jalalabad, as was his original intention, leaves, under instructions from Paris, for
Balkh, 350 miles north of Kabul in the neighbourhood of the Hindu Kush, which has been regarded as the special archaeological province of Sir Aurel Stein.
After long delay, the Afghan government at length takes energetic measures to arrest the lawless gangs which, after committing several murders of British officials and their wives across the border, had found refuge on Afghan territory. The so-called "Kohat gang" is captured on January 13 and brought to Kabul, and of the "Landi-Kotal" murderers one is killed a few days afterwards and the other wounded, but not captured. The prisoners are subsequently deported to Turkestan. At the same time the Afghan government desists from employing in its army Wazir tribesmen from British territory, thus showing a less unfriendly spirit to Britain than had characterized it for some time previously.
The
amir has, as in the previous year, to meet a serious rebellion due to discontent with the reforms which he seeks to introduce. The centre of the revolt is the Khost district, and the chief tribe engaged the Mangals. The rebels threaten Matun, and a considerable force is sent by the
amir to relieve it. A sharp engagement takes place near the city in May, with indecisive result. The revolt gains strength, and in July the rebels proclaim as
amir one
Abdul Karim, who professes to be a grandson of the
amir Shir Ali, but who is stated by the Indian government to be the illegitimate Indian-born son of the
amir Yakub Khan, who disowned him as a disgrace to the Afghan community. In August the
amir purchases two aeroplanes from the British for use against the rebels, and his consort stimulates the enthusiasm of his soldiers by distributing large rewards to all who serve under his flag. Nevertheless the struggle with the rebels, who have been joined by other tribes, continues for some time. At length in October the rebels begin to show signs of demoralization; a severe defeat is inflicted on them at Logar, and by November the insurrection in the Khost has generally subsided. The government, however, finds it advisable still to maintain a strong force in the Khost. Earlier in the year Russian envoys at Kabul sought to excite anti-British feeling, and in particular accuse Britain of fomenting the rebellion. In spite of this, however, relations between Afghanistan and Britain improve considerably.
The
amir takes severe measures to prevent a recrudescence of the rebellion among the Khost tribes which gave him so much trouble in the previous year. Early in February two shopkeepers in Kabul, members of the
Ahmadiyya community of Muslims, and followers of the
Quadian Mullah who was executed in the previous summer for fomenting the rebellion, are sentenced to death by stoning for apostasy, and the sentence is carried out with great barbarity in the presence of Afghan officials. In the course of the same month there is a general dragooning of the revolted tribes. According to the Afghan newspapers, in two weeks all the Mangal villages are occupied, 3,500 houses are bombarded and burnt, 1,575 rebels are killed and wounded, 460 women and children die of cold and hunger during their flight in the snow, and 6,000 head of cattle and an immense booty are captured. The returning troops make a triumphal entry into Jalalabad, where flowers are showered on them by the
amir and his mother. On May 25, sixty Khost rebels, mainly
Ghilzais, are shot by order of the
amir. After the rebellion, the
amir does not prosecute further his reforming designs, and leaves the country in the traditional state. He devotes his energies to increasing its military power, having fifty young Afghans trained as airmen, and importing aeroplanes from Russia and large quantities of ammunition through India.
As the Soviet government continues to make sedulous efforts to extend Russian influence in Afghanistan, negotiations are commenced for a Russo-Afghan trade convention, and there is a steady infiltration of Russians
prospecting for oil round Herat and in Afghan Turkestan. The Afghan government looks with disfavour on this activity, and it becomes genuinely alarmed at Russian designs when, near the end of December, Russian troops occupy an island in the
Oxus at
Darkad, which has always been regarded as Afghan territory, overpowering two Afghan posts by which it was held.
Early summer 1925
An "incident" occurs which for a time disturbs the relations between Afghanistan and Italy. An Italian engineer resident in Kabul named
Dario Piperno is condemned to death by the Afghan court for killing a policeman who was trying to arrest him for some offence. On the Italian government offering to pay "blood money" for him, he is promised his release, but after the blood money has been duly paid, he is executed on June 2.
Benito Mussolini at once makes a formal protest against the execution, and hands a note to the Afghan minister in Rome, demanding that the Afghan minister for foreign affairs should call in person on the Italian minister in Kabul to express his regret at the incident, while a company of Afghan soldiers was to
salute the Italian flag. He further demands the payment of an indemnity of £7,000, in addition to the restoration of the blood money. The Afghan government procrastinates so long with its reply as to exhaust the patience of the Italian government, and a rupture of diplomatic relations is imminent when, on August 17, a telegram reaches Rome stating that the Afghan government has agreed to come to terms. It is announced the next day that the Afghan foreign minister has presented the apologies of his government to the Italian minister at Kabul, and has handed over £6,000 as indemnity and as repayment of the blood money. Good relations between the two countries are thereupon resumed.
