The amir
Abdor Rahman Khan dies at Kabul. During his reign of twenty
years he effectually got rid of all possible rivals or persons
likely to give trouble; he transformed his army from a mere
rabble into a well-armed and efficient force; religious fanaticism
was brought under control; a regular system of judicial and
general administration was created; and the industries of the
country were greatly developed by the establishment of factories
under European supervision at Kabul. As regards his foreign
policy, he could hardly be expected to have any real love for
England. His ideal would have been a really independent Muslim
kingdom, free from the control or influence alike of England
and of Russia, and he was much disappointed at the failure of
his efforts to be allowed direct representation at the Court
of St. James. But, although there was occasional friction between
the amir and the government of India, he valued the
English alliance and was faithful to it. His eldest son, Habibullah
Khan, succeeds to the throne with an absence of disturbance
or even excitement that is almost unexpected. Habibullah has
been carefully trained by his father in all branches of the
administration. Since 1897 he has had control of the State Treasury
and Exchequer, and has been the Supreme Court of Appeal from
all courts, ecclesiastical and secular. He acted as regent for
his father during his prolonged absence in Turkestan, and distinguished
himself by the intelligence and sobriety of his administration.
He is said to be popular with the people and with the army;
he knows English fairly well and is believed to entertain very
friendly sentiments towards the British government. After his
accession he raises the pay of the army, and he is said to be
going to adopt a much more liberal trade policy than his father
and to reduce the poll tax on Hindus. His reception of Muslim
gentlemen sent by the government of India in November to condole
with him on the death of his father and to congratulate him
on his own accession is cordial in the extreme. He also issues
a proclamation inviting the return of exiles from India, and
many of them are expected to go back. The immediate prospects
of the new amir are decidedly favourable. The possible
competitors for the throne are few in number, and none of them
are at present dangerous. Habibullah Khan's position has been
much strengthened by the marriages his father made for him with
the families of the leading chiefs. Nasrullah Khan, the late
amir's next son, is his full brother, and is destitute
of ability, ambition, or influence. His half-brother, Mohammad
Omar, whose mother is of high rank and of much ability and ambition,
might give trouble, but he is only a boy of twelve, and his
mother's great supporter, the commander-in-chief, Gholam Haidar
Khan, has lately died. The nearest collateral heir is Ishak
Khan, the son of amir Azim Khan, and consequently the
first cousin once removed of the new amir. Much was
heard of him in his early days; he was notorious for his debauchery
and cruelty, and he was hated in Kabul, where he was regarded
as a maniac. The late amir endeavoured to conciliate
him, but he rebelled against him, and after showing conspicuous
cowardice and incompetency fled to Russian territory. He is
now a man of fifty; he is not likely to attempt, or to be allowed
to attempt, any movement, and should he do so, he would hardly
be dangerous. The two sons of the amir Shir Ali Khan,
Yakub Khan, who was allowed to succeed his father, but was deposed
for not preventing Cavagnari's murder, and Ayub Khan, who defeated
the British at Maiwand, are still political prisoners in India,
and are not likely to be let loose.
1902
The first year of
Habibullah's reign passes without any internal disturbance,
or event of importance. Gen. Mir Attar Khan, who was imprisoned
by the late amir, is released and reinstated in his
old post of commander-in-chief, or rather of Naib, or deputy
commander-in-chief, for this is the title by which the successors
of the late Gen. Gholam Haidar Khan in the command of the Army
have been designated. The amir is said to be reluctant
to confer the full appointment on anyone, and there is a belief
current that he is likely to keep it for Yahya Khan, whose daughter,
whom he lately married, has become his favourite wife. Yahya
Khan is at present in great favour with the amir, and
his position in Kabul not unnaturally excites the jealousy both
of the amir's own relatives and of the leading chiefs
and sardars. There are rumours of intrigues in favour of the
amir's youngest half-brother, Mohammad Omar, but they
seem to die away, and towards the end of the year Mohammad Omar
is reported to be in delicate health. There are also rumours
that the amir's full brother, Nasrullah Khan, has fallen
into disgrace, and even that he has been imprisoned. These are,
as usual, followed by complete denials, and assurances that
the best feeling exists between the two brothers. It is said
that the amir intends to put in force the plan of compulsory
military service devised by his father, by which one-eighth
of the male population will be passed into or through the Army.
He also directs the governor of Jalalabad to raise regiments
of Afridis, some of whom are to be employed as a bodyguard at
Kabul. But this intention causes so much discontent amongst
the Afghans that it has to be abandoned, and orders are issued
to stop recruiting. It is said that although many Afridis at
first came forward as recruits they soon found that the promises
of pay and allowances held out to them were not fulfilled, and
the tribesmen who wish to take foreign service much prefer the
certainties they can obtain from the British government. The
relations of Habibullah Khan with the British government are
reportedly of the most friendly nature throughout the year,
and he orders his officers on the frontier to prevent all outlaws
from British territory from entering Afghanistan. He is reported
to have said in durbar that he found by experience that a mild
rule was unsuited to the Afghans, and that he has consequently
ordered the revival of his father's Secret Intelligence Department.
But although the domestic history of Afghanistan during 1902
is comparatively colourless, a very important move is made or
attempted by Russia in what may be called its foreign policy.
The Russian government suggests to the British government that
whilst it fully recognizes the existing agreement between the
two countries by which it is precluded from direct diplomatic
intercourse with Afghanistan, it would be of the greatest convenience
if the Russian and Afghan officials on the frontier were allowed
to communicate direct with one another for commercial purposes
only. To this proposal the British foreign secretary, Lord Lansdowne,
answers that before expressing any opinion on it he would like
to know exactly what it means. As to what takes place since,
no information is given to the public, except that correspondence
is ongoing. But if there is any doubt of the true meaning of
the Russian proposals this is removed by the Russian press,
which declares openly that the time has come that the agreement
excluding Russia from Afghanistan should be set aside and that
Russia should insist on as full commercial and political intercourse
with that country as is enjoyed by England itself.
Early 1902
The Hadda mullah,
Najibuddin, visits Kabul and is received by the amir
with great favour and distinction. It is first reported that
the amir is completely under his influence; then it
is said that he is virtually a prisoner, and that the amir
never visits him. Towards the end of the year he is sent back
to his own country, with an allowance of Rs. 16,000 a year.
October 1902
Habibullah holds a
great durbar to commemorate the anniversary of his accession,
and releases 8,000 prisoners.
1903
The year passes quietly,
without any internal disturbances, and nothing more is heard,
or at least made public, about the attempt of Russia to establish
direct intercourse between its own and the Afghan frontier officials
for commercial purposes. The amir appoints his brother,
Sardar Nasrullah Khan, commander-in-chief, and he orders the
construction of a line of fortified serais from Dacca to Kabul,
from Kabul to Kotal Manjan, in Badakhshan, from Kabul to the
Oxus, and from Balkh to Bala Murghab, on the Russian frontier.
February 4, 1903
Maj. Henry McMahon,
the British officer appointed to settle the boundary dispute
between Persia and Afghanistan, reaches the Helmand, and is
joined by the Afghan commissioner on February 12. The work is
said to proceed satisfactorily. A joint Afghan and British commission
was appointed to demarcate the boundary between the two countries,
from Nawa Kila, where Sir Richard Udny left off in 1895, to
the Peiwar, where Mr. Donald began on the Kurram side.
Early 1903
The amir
is compelled to abandon his project of forming a bodyguard of
Afridis owing to the jealousy which it excited, and those who
were enlisted are disbanded and sent back to their homes, and
their rifles are taken back from them.
September 1903
There is a severe
outbreak of cholera at Kabul, which proves fatal to more than
one of the amir's leading officials. The amir
himself remains in Kabul throughout the outbreak, doing his
utmost to allay the alarm, and personally superintending sanitary
reforms.
October 1903
Thirty-six Sepoys
are tried by court-martial at Kabul on charges of inciting to
rebellion, and are put to death in the presence of all the troops.
October 16, 1903
The amir
holds a great durbar in honour of his accession, and speaks
in praise of the mullahs, whom he is said to greatly favour
generally.
Late 1903
It is reported that
the amir's half-brother, Mohammad Omar, is suspected
of intriguing against him, and that there is a serious dispute
between the amir and Mohammad Omar's mother about family
jewels.
1904
Internal peace is
not disturbed during the year, but there are, as usual, frequent
rumours of quarrels in the amir's family and of reconciliations.
Early in the year it is reported that the amir has
removed his half-brother, Mohammad Omar, from the governorship
of Kabul, and placed him and his mother, Bibi Halima, under
close surveillance. Later on it is stated that the mullahs have
brought about a reconciliation, and that Mohammad Omar has been
placed in command of the troops in Kabul. There is some quarrelling
between Russian and Afghan soldiers owing to the former destroying
some guard-houses erected along the border of Turkestan, but
there is no actual outbreak, and the amir at once sends
officials of position to inquire into the matter. Owing to the
generally oppressive action of the Russians some 4,000 of the
Turkoman and Jamshid tribes migrate to Herat, where the amir
grants them the Zulfikar Pass territory as their place of residence.
Several of the leading followers of Ayub Khan return to Afghanistan
and others petition the amir to be allowed to do so.
Early summer 1904
The amir
injures his hand whilst snipe shooting, and the viceroy at his
request sends his own doctor to Kabul to treat him. The treatment
is entirely successful, and the amir's pleasure at
this is possibly helpful in paving the way for the despatch
of the special mission under Louis W. Dane, the Indian foreign
secretary, which leaves Peshawar on November 26 and reaches
Kabul on December 12. Its work is reported to be progressing
very satisfactorily. The nature of this work is not made public,
but it is not difficult to conjecture what must be the most
important points in the discussion between the amir
and Mr. Dane. In the first place, Russia, despite her Far Eastern
difficulties and disasters, has by no means lost sight of Afghanistan.
Both in Turkestan and the north and towards Herat in the south
the Russian railway system is fast being completed to within
striking distance of the frontier; the question of direct commercial
relations between Russian and Afghan officials on the frontier
appears to be still open, and Russia can easily create local
trouble whenever it suits her to do so. No doubt the amir
likes to know what help Britain would give him in a case of
"unprovoked aggression," and, on the other hand, the Indian
government likes to know how far the amir can defend
himself, what number of troops he can put into the field, and
what is their state of efficiency. The relations of the amir
and of the Indian government with the tribes on the North-West
Frontier also require further adjustment. A formal settlement
was arrived at when what is known as the Durand Boundary was
agreed on, and the present amir at first seemed anxious
that the work of demarcating this boundary should be completed,
but latterly he appears to have changed his mind, and the work
has been suspended. Lastly, it is thought that an endeavour
might be made to secure greater facilities for trade between
Afghanistan and India. Whilst the foreign secretary is engaged
in important work with the amir at Kabul the amir's
eldest son, Inayatullah Khan, is paying a visit to the viceroy
at Calcutta. As he is only a lad of sixteen his visit is only
regarded as a social one, but one which may bear good fruit
later if he comes to the throne.
January 1905
Inayatullah Khan finishes
his Indian visit, and on his return to Kabul expresses the greatest
pleasure at the manner in which he was received.
Early 1905
The amir
issues a proclamation inviting the Hazaras to return, and allowing
them till October to do so. A large number of them accordingly
return during the summer, and many of the leading supporters
of Shir Ali who were exiles in India since his overthrow also
seek and obtain permission to return to their homes.
Early April 1905
The special mission
under Louis Dane in Kabul completes its work successfully and
returns to India. The only visible result of its labours is
the renewal with the present amir, Habibullah Khan,
of the treaty formerly made with his father, with an increase
of his annual subsidy from twelve to eighteen lakhs of rupees,
but the relations between him and Dane were throughout of the
most cordial and intimate character, and all matters affecting
the interests of the amir and the government of India
were fully and freely discussed. It is thought in some British
quarters that more might have been obtained from the amir,
but it is seen as far better to accept what he was prepared
to offer of his own free will than to obtain larger concessions
from him by pressure. Suggestions which have been put forward
that there should be a British resident in Kabul, that British
officers should be lent to organize the Afghan army, or that
railways should be pushed forward into Afghanistan to connect
its chief cities with British India, so that they might be at
once garrisoned by British troops in case of threatened attack,
are all open to the objection that any such steps would arouse
the deepest resentment amongst the people. As it is, Britain
secures the friendship and confidence of the amir,
who shows the change in his relations with Britain by drawing
the arrears of his subsidy, which he had declined to receive
for some time, and employing the money to strengthen the defenses
of his country. On the evening before the mission left Kabul
its members were entertained at dinner by the amir,
who had Dane on his right, whilst the other officers were placed
between the chief men of his court. This was the first time
that he or they had eaten with infidels.
1906
There are no internal
disturbances and no disputes with foreign neighbours during
the year. Even the usual rumours of differences and intrigues
within the royal family have ceased. All its members are apparently
on excellent terms.
Summer 1906
The amir
makes a three months' tour of inspection through Jalalabad and
the adjoining districts, and during his absence Sardar Nasrullah
Khan acts as governor of Kabul with considerable success.
September 15,
1906
The relations between
the amir and the government of India having continued
to be most friendly, the amir holds a great durbar
at Kabul, in which he informs his chiefs of the viceroy's invitation
to him to visit India, and of his acceptance of it. He explains
that the visit will be purely one of friendship and courtesy,
all political questions having been finally settled by the treaty
of 1905. By the close of the year the amir, with his
escort and a large following of chiefs, has reached the frontier,
and his visit passes off most satisfactorily.
January 2, 1907
On his visit to British
India as guest of the viceroy (Gilbert Elliot, Earl of Minto),
the amir reaches Landi Kotal and, on January 28, Calcutta,
after witnessing a grand review of some 30,000 troops at Agra,
with which he is said to have been much impressed. From Calcutta
he proceeds to Bombay, where he arrives on February 12. He leaves
by sea on February 25 for Karachi, landing on the 27th, and
leaves Peshawar on his return home on March 7. The arrangement
that no political questions should be discussed was strictly
adhered to; the visit was purely for the exchange of personal
courtesies and for enabling the amir to gain as great
a general knowledge of India as was possible in so short a time.
He appears to have been most genuinely pleased with his reception,
but on his return to Afghanistan the more fanatical of his subjects
express great dissatisfaction at his eating with Europeans.
Nothing however comes of this, and if any outward signs of it
are shown they are speedily suppressed.
August 31, 1907
An Anglo-Russian convention
is signed, which relates to Afghanistan as follows: I. The British
government disclaims any intention of changing the political
position in Afghanistan, and undertakes neither to take measures
in Afghanistan, nor to encourage Afghanistan to take measures,
threatening Russia. The Russian government recognizes Afghanistan
as outside the Russian sphere of influence, and agrees to act
in all political relations with Afghanistan through the British
government, and it also undertakes to send no agents to Afghanistan.
II. Great Britain adheres to the provisions of the treaty of
Kabul of March 21, 1905, and undertakes not to annex or to occupy,
contrary to the said treaty, any part of Afghanistan, or to
intervene in the internal administration. The reservation is
made that the amir shall fulfil the engagements contracted
by him in the aforementioned treaty. III. Russian and Afghan
officials especially appointed for that purpose on the frontier,
or in the frontier provinces, may enter into direct relations
in order to settle local questions of a non-political character.
IV. Russia and Great Britain declare that they recognize the
principle of equality of treatment for commerce, and agree that
all facilities acquired already or in the future for British
and Anglo-Indian commerce and merchants shall be equally applied
to Russian commerce and merchants. V. These arrangements are
not to come into force until Great Britain has notified to Russia
the amir's assent to them. The general effect is merely
to maintain the status quo; it is to the advantage
of England that Russia shall definitely renounce all right to
treat directly with Afghanistan, while on the other hand the
grant of commercial equality is a decided gain to Russia.
1908
The amir's
reply to the communication informing him of the convention between
England and Russia so far as it relates to Afghanistan is not
made known. His attitude during the Zakka Khel and Mohmand expeditions
in India is much criticized by the British, and he is blamed
for not taking more effectual measures to restrain his subjects
from assisting the enemy. Others, however, consider that in
such matters even an amir's power is limited, and there
is no reason to doubt that he has been friendly to Britain throughout
and has done all that he could.
1909
In order to secure
greater tranquillity on the frontier the special governor is
sent to the Khost Valley with a force of cavalry and infantry.
He holds a durbar of the tribesmen, at which he reads a firman
from the amir, enjoining them to cease their feuds
amongst themselves and to prevent raids into British territory,
and of course they promise obedience. The telephone system is
being introduced into various districts in order to ensure speedy
communication between the frontier and Kabul.
March 1909
A plot against the
life of the amir and his brother Nasrullah Khan is
said to have been discovered from information given by the tutor
of the heir apparent. It is promptly suppressed by the "vigorous
action" taken by the amir. But there is no sort of
public inquiry or trial, and it is impossible to say what was
the real object of the plot or who was concerned in it.
Summer 1910
A joint British and
Afghan commission appointed to settle tribal disputes arising
out of raids and counter-raids on each side of the British-Afghan
border commences its work, starting from the Kurram Valley.
Its labours are brought to a satisfactory conclusion before
the close of the year. The agreement reached provides that outlaws
from either side shall be removed to a distance of not less
than fifty miles from the border, and orders to give effect
to this within British territory are at once issued.
